22.10.2006
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“NO WAY OUT”
It depends on your point of view.
_ By Taisamyone
Some pro-democracy writers and activists have become frustrated with the political impasse in Burma and sought to blame the inaction on the NLD. For myself, I see a nascent government, a government in waiting; a government prevented from exercising their democratic right to establishing a legal government by a brutal oppressive military junta masquerading as a government through illegal means. Whatever your view, the junta continues to keep DASSK and other NLD leaders imprisoned or under house arrest and continues to tighten the screw on any political activity – in fact, on any activity that hasn’t been dictated or hijacked by the junta. Under these conditions, only dramatic forces will bring justice; whether by violent armed insurrection (an unlikely event at present) or peaceful dialogue to bring about the honouring of the will of the people of Burma for civilian rule – the NLD support the peaceful approach of diplomacy. The regime continues to harass DASSK and the NLD, but only dare hint at outlawing the NLD for its alleged association with unlawful ‘terrorist’ groups. They continue to be afraid of actually, physically harming the daughter of Burma’s national hero. They know that the people of Burma still love DASSK and that she can still play a key role in bringing about the peaceful transition to democratic civilian government that the people so much desire.
With so much time recently spent on lambasting the US for instigating the Un Security Council motion on Burma and reporting on the re-opened National Convention, the spooks at the New Light of Myanmar took time to prepare a three page attack on DASSK and the NLD – they must be getting desperate to turn the tide of public opinion against the NLD and Burma’s hope of a civilian government unshackled by the SPDC. The article spends some time describing the three ways that countries have been evolving since the end of the Cold War; socialist, liberal and national way; claiming that Burma has followed the first two in the past. How anyone could conceivably link the BSPP to socialism is beyond me. The regime used the name socialism, but practised fascist authoritarianism. Socialist ideas developed from concern over the excesses of poverty and impoverishment that arose from 19th century European industrial development. The re-distribution of wealth and land seen as keystones of the new order led to numerous excesses of a different kind in the 20th century that are still be played out. The idealism of socialist thought has consistently been manipulated by megalomaniacs and dictators bent on crushing political opponents and exerting rule thought military might and ideological doctrines. Under so-called socialist governments like the BSPP, who behaved as arrogantly and brutally as any rightist fascist dictatorship, the people subjected to these regimes suffered more than under any other ‘liberal’ forms of government. Burma’s ‘liberal’ way was stopped in its tracks in 1962 and again in 1988 by a military coup, not by a choice made by the people.
The article refers to a Scientific Nationalism which takes a lead from the Tatmadaw, likening Burma’s development to that practised in China and Vietnam. What this is leading to sounds remarkably like the ‘national socialism’ of Mussolini’s Italy and other fascist states that used propaganda to promote a ‘national way’ but in reality used brutal techniques to repress any free thought or expression, to crush (another of the SPDC’s favourite words) opposition. There isn’t anything new about the way of the SPDC; they are using the same old techniques of dictatorship that worked elsewhere, using propaganda and blatant lies in an attempt to deceive the people of Burma and the international community. These lies give food to those who wish to benefit from trade with the junta as an excuse – ‘oh, but the SPDC are evolving towards democracy at their own pace’, ‘these are just internal affairs’. Regimes whose primary concern is power and money ride roughshod over human rights and conscience.
Apparently, ‘Nationalisation of land is the key pillar of the scientific nationalism’. This provides the SPDC with the excuse they need to claim all land belongs to them and they will decide how it is used. What follows is a detailed account of the SPDC’s ‘rent theory’, and that the 3 national causes and 12 objectives flow from this theory, as does reliance on the leadership of the Tatmadaw. Not sure about you, but by this time, I had made up my mind that this gobbledegook must be the effluent outpouring of the OSS or whatever it is called now – a mangled mash of rhetoric and pseudo-politics bound together to justify the regime’s actions and their ‘road map’. This theory may well describe the SPDC’s approach to national political change; but it falls way off the mark regarding what is best for Burma and the people of Burma. It strikes me that this mangled theory is just more bungled concepts from morons who shouldn’t be in power. The Tatmadaw has a history of empowering stupid thugs to leadership of field divisions. Ne Win kept himself in power for so long because he kept his intelligent officers like Khin Nyunt closer and more loyal to him than the incompetent thugs like Than Shwe.
The author also attacks the call for ‘unity and conciliation’ or ‘forgive and forget’ as not being in keeping with solving the problems of national politics. He seems to imply that this approach cannot solve problems, so if that is the case, we won’t forget the slaughter or men, women and children, and the atrocities of the Tatmadaw, but seek out and punish every crime against the people of Burma. This could drain the nation to exhaustion. The leaders need to be brought to account for their actions, but more crucial for the future is to move on from the retched past – the people of Burma want to forget the horrors of living under the SPDC rule and not act revengefully – unlike the SPDC who pursue every opponent relentlessly, persecuting, torturing and killing anyone who speaks their own mind.
After opening with this diatribe and political nonsense, the NLM focuses in on the actions and declarations of the NLD. Not surprisingly, the author finds their acts traitorous and ineffective, leading to many NLD members leaving the party. What nonsense! As ever, the NLD has made attempts to engage the regime in an open and honest way, trying (albeit unsuccessfully) to move the political stagnation inch by inch. As we all know, the news reports regarding members leaving the NLD are either false, or reflect the intense bullying pressure that the regime puts on NLD members; seeking to deny them a livelihood or destroying any opportunity they may have of education, business or employment.
Interestingly, the article contains allusions (and hence association for the NLD) to independence figures and organisations from Burma’s history; poet and literary figure Sayagi Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, and the General Council of Burmese Associations; from the days of the struggle for independence from British colonial rule. Following independence, Kodaw Hmaing promoted reconciliation as the country was plunged into civil war. Later, when Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962, Kodaw Hmaing’s writing served as the only legitimate expression of an alternative approach to politics. This is at least recognition that DASSK and the NLD are key to achieving peace and independence in Burma; albeit, DASSK/NLD view peace and independence as being free and independent of Tatmadaw tyranny – somewhat different from the SPDC’s views.
The NLM runs a long section calling for the NLD to compromise on its stand regarding the national convention and into accepting the 25% Tatmadaw representation. As I understand the issue, the NC has not allowed anyone to change the constitution that has been dictated by the regime; any opposition is cruelly suppressed, individuals picked out ad berated for making suggestions not approved by the regime, ignoring any real discussion regarding the structure of the constitution or dealing with the federal issue at all. Acceptance or not of the 25% issue is not a real issue if the constitution is robust. But if we look at one article from a recent NLM:
10. There shall be liberty in the exercise of the following rights subject to the laws enacted for State security, prevalence of law and order, community peace and tranquillity or public order and morality —
(a) The right of the citizens to express
freely their convictions and opinions
(b) The right of the citizens to assemble peacefully without arms
(c) The right of the citizens to form associations and unions
(d) The right of the citizens to develop their language, literature, culture
they cherish, religion they profess, and customs without prejudice to the
relations between one national race and another, or among national races and to
other faiths.
Most of the freedom granted in this article looks good. But it is prefaced by a ‘State Security…’ phrase that is the Tatmadaw get-out. You can have all the freedoms you want… except when we say so. There is not to my knowledge clear statements of what breaches of ‘community peace and tranquillity’ will lead to a cancellation of the freedom to express an opinion. Of course, we all know what this means; the Tatmadaw will continue the suppression of free speech, free association and any other freedom for their own purposes. The constitution that the regime has given to the NC to rubber-stamp is nothing but a license to legitimise the killing and torture of the people of Burma by a self-appointed Tatmadaw leadership who hold themselves above the law and above the constitution.
The NLM goes on to urge DASSK to use the mandate to accept the ‘kind offer’ of the SPDC to compromise, to rejoin the NC and accept the constitution that is being developed (rubber-stamped by regime picked quiescent delegates) – and presumably denouncing the USA for its action in bringing Burma to the UNSC, as every other group at the NC has been intimidated into doing. It is interesting that the NLM acknowledges that DASSK and the NLD have won a mandate from the people of Burma. And that is the crux of the issue in this long rambling article – the SPDC does not have it and they desperately need it to convince the UNSC to get off their back. Fortunately, the NLD knows this and haven’t relented in holding the high moral ground – to compromise is to submit to the SPDC – just ask any cease-fire group how far they have got with their political ambitions for autonomy and recognition. If the NLD wishes to leave politics altogether, they can join the regime’s charade.
The NLM offer the way out of the political impasse; submit to the regime. The NLD may be lacking dynamic drive, have an ageing leadership that has not been effective in creating change in Burma. This isn’t because they aren’t acceptable of taking on the challenges of national leadership. The NLD has been persecuted since its inception. Leaders imprisoned, placed under house arrest, prevented from publicising their views, organising events, travelling freely and bullied at every level of the organisation. It is a testament to the strength of the people of Burma and their desire for freedom and democracy that the NLD survives. If the SPDC gets off the back of the NLD, we will see a progressive political party emerge. We can support every move that the diplomacy of the UNSC and its envoys make in the strong desire that this will create the right environment for the NLD and every other democratic political party to flourish in Burma – a true constitution and a free election will determine who the people of Burma want to govern the nation. It isn’t the NLD who needs to compromise – it is the SPDC.
References
¨ NLM - New Light of Myanmar
¨ http://www.myanmardigest.com/
¨ The only way out for NLD. Maung Setana. 6th Oct’06
¨ Every citizen has the duty to cherish and value the national cultural heritage. 13th Oct’06
Quotations
Several years ago I uncovered over 500 letters written among my family as they tried to escape the Nazis in Germany. Since then the letters have become the basis for ‘No Way Out’; a gentle story of an ordinary family, geographically torn apart, whose only means of communication is through their letters. It is through these letters, personal and intimate, that we step back into my family's world. In their own words we hear how they struggle to understand the unimaginable yet are able to maintain a sense of normalcy. We listen as they share the everyday details of their lives as well as desperate attempts to deal with the extraordinary circumstances that swirl out of control around them. We learn about Nazi measures that insidiously isolate and destroy their once vibrant lives and the indifference of nations that chose to look the other way. We share their emotions as they vacillate between hope and despair. In the end what remains is the story of family love and devotion; humanity and dignity that the Nazis could not destroy.
(Susan Prinz Shear on No Way Out: http://www.nowayoutproject.com/)
Thakin Kodaw Hmaing (1876-1964) was the father of the Burmese Peace Movements. He was an active leader in the anti-colonial movements and national independence struggles. When the ABFSU was formed in 1936, the students appointed him as the patron of ABFSU. After Burma gained independence from the British Empire, and internal conflict and civil war burst out amongst the political forces, he initiated and led the people in peaceful movements demanding dialogue between the government and rebel groups in order to achieve peace and development in Burma. He also actively participated in world peace forums. However, he could not fulfil his strong aspiration for a peaceful Burma and he died in 1964. Burmese people always remember him as the father of national peace movements.
(http://www.burmatoday.net/archives_03/030324_statement_absfu.htm)
After the correspondents left, we got down to the serious business of tucking into the mounds of noodles that had been prepared for us and singing dissident songs. There is one particular song that represents the revolutionary spirit of 1988. It is a song of students recalling the bloodshed and the grief of those days which can never be forgotten, appealing to the spirits of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, a grand literary figure of the independence movement, and of my father, and dedicating themselves to the cause of democracy. When it is sung in full force by strong young voices to the strumming of guitars, it is both moving and inspiring. We saw in the New Year in international fashion, singing Auld Lang Syne as the last minutes of 1996 ticked away. But as soon as we crossed over into 1997, we sang once again the song that had resounded at so many gatherings eight years ago when the forces of democratic change had swept across Burma. We know that the New Year will bring challenges that will make heavy demands on our inner resources.
(DASSK, Letter from Burma: Reflections on a Turbulent Year: "Starting Anew", 1997
http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/reg.burma/archives/199701/msg00065.html)
… At the very worst, we are faced with a country which is at war with its own people, at the very best, it is a country which is holding its people hostage…
(Justice Rajsoomer Lallah, the previous UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Violations in Burma. http://www.burmalibrary.org/reg.burma/archives/199911/msg00129.html)
Comments: _
Ah Myin Kat Thu said _
Junta never care for rights of
citizens. They only like rights of bribes. Burmese people dislike
ah myin kat their wrong view upon
people very much. But junta do not care, how shameful it is!
Your
Comments here_
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