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Revolution to Realpolitik: Burma’s Struggle for Democracy

              It is saddening to see how the revolution has lost its romance in exile in less than two decades of Burma’s struggle for democracy.  Under incredible duress inside Burma,  opposition leaders, Aung San Suu Kyi to Min Ko Naing, remain steadfast in their belief and optimistic about their struggle.  In contrast, optimism has been overshadowed by realism in exile.  Many elected politicians and former revolutionaries have now become career diplomats or political analysts doing realpolitik, in which their political integrity and idealism are largely compromised.  The jet-setting politicians in exile, on whom the Burmese people had pinned their hope years ago, have yet failed to live up to their electorate’s expectations.  Some Burman political analysts have gone so far to hint at the removal of Aung San Suu Kyi as the most viable solution for the survival of her party, the National League for Democracy.  At the same time, Burma’s pro-democracy movement has also seen the metamorphosis of some of its anti-government organizations in exile into non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

            Instead of emulating the lobby methods and lifestyles of affluent Western politicians, exiled Burman opposition should take after Raphael Lemkin, who died of what he called ‘Genociditis,’ exhaustion from work on the Genocide Convention’ in 1959.  Lemkin was only fifty-nine when he died.  He had devoted his entire life on lobby and advocacy to ban genocide.  Not only that he coined the word genocide in 1943, he also helped draft the United Nations’ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.  The UN banned genocide in 1948, but it took nearly four decades until the United States singed the Convention.  One of his admirers called him ‘‘one-man, one-globe, multi-lingual, single-issue, lobbying machine.’’  His cause was noble in that he was acting alone for the humanity, not just for his stock or his nation.  As a one-man lobbyist, Lemkin did not have to write lengthy proposals and reports.  To garner support for his cause, he had written hundreds of memos and letters in several languages to world leaders and diplomats.

            Like Lemkin, the exiled Burman opposition leaders need to intimidate distinguished journalists, diplomats and world leaders with their enthusiasm.  They should not just be satisfied with the Western community’s yearly resolutions against Burma.  Like Lemkin, they should press them harder to move the resolutions to action or law.  If necessary they should give way to a new generation of more capable lobbyists like Nang Charm Tong.  If need be, they have to come up with their own concepts to express Burma’s situation.  The case of Burma may pale in comparison with more conspicuous ongoing humanitarian crises in Africa, which have been ignored by the West.  In that light, the Burmese opposition lobbying the supranational agencies also need to broaden their scope, and put Burma into perspective.  Above all, they need to be able to convince the Western international community that, no matter what statistics indicates, each collective human suffering is hell.  This task may be the most daunting for Burman opposition leaders in exile.  In this age of neo-liberal globalization, in which business interests supersede international justice, even Lemkin himself might find it hard to move the superpowers and supranational organizations for the sake of Burma.  Thus the exiled Burmans need to work extra-hard to be able to shake the military regime back home.

            The self-styled Western-educated Burman political analysts should not distance themselves too far from the struggle of the mainstream opposition.  They must keep in mind that they are the grown-up children of the revolution.  No matter how successful they are personally, they have to admit that they are part of the failure of democratization of Burma.  Their condescending critique to the opposition inside Burma lacks sympathy.  Their suggestion for compromise lacks political integrity.  Instead of encouraging the NLD and the Burmese people to hold on, for the end is nigh for the State Peace and Development Council, an analyst gave them a choice; the urgent need for leadership reform of the National League for Democracy or ‘total surrender.’  Leadership reform simply means removal of Aung San Suu Kyi and some other senior members from the party to the liking of the military regime, a total surrender.  The NLD has been given the choice between a rock and a hard place.  It takes time and tremendous efforts to dismantle political and social institutions once they are in place.  As most observers could see, in tackling the junta, the NLD do need to come up with refreshing approaches.  But such approaches should not necessarily amount to giving up its heads to the liking of the military junta.

            The metamorphosis of anti-governmental organizations into nongovernmental organizations may be called the NGO-nization of Burma’s democracy revolution.  Needless to say, NGOs are essential in the development of a civil society.  Recently,   single-issue grassroots NGOs, concentrating on Burmese prison situations, child soldiers, or internally displaced persons, have been very effective in disseminating information on their respective areas.  NGOs nonetheless have their own pitfalls and shortcomings.  Dr. Francis Gealogo, a Filipino social historian, observes that many NGO activists in the Philippines are living off the very social ills they are supposed to fight against.  NGO activism makes prestigious and professional life of some activists possible.  The longer the social ills last, the more secure one’s prestigious NGO career is.  No matter how committed an NGO worker may be, he or she may finally become a beneficiary of the social ills he or she is battling with.  A corrupt mind will wish that the social ills never end.  Gealogo calls this phenomenon ‘NGOism.’  On the other hand, NGOs’ dependency on funding agencies restricts their freedom.  Indeed many NGOs have had to readjust their substantive goals in order to please their funding agencies.  Senior journalist U Thaung of Burma irks his compatriots in exile when he calls them ‘democracy professionals,’ living off Burmese democracy movement. 

            The lesson of George Orwell’s celebrated novel 1984 is that to fight against an oppression using the oppressor’s method equals ‘mental capitulation.’  Aung San Suu Kyi says that the junta fears U Win Tin because he is incorruptible.  It is important for the Burman political analysts to remain optimistic and congenial to those struggling inside.  It is important for the exiled Burman leaders to remain an inspiration for those struggling outside.  In their pronounced struggle for justice, peace and freedom, they should make it clear that not every means justify end.  It is important that one does not despair and does not resort to if-you-can’t-beat-them-join-them methods.  For, in many situations, realpolitik fuelled by desperation leads to compromise of one’s self and corruption of one’s soul.   

Ko Ko Thett

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Comments

B. B. D said _

Ko Ko Thett, thanks for letting me know of this. A courageous effort. You might have a few fewer friends now!

Peter said _

Dear Ko Ko Thett, I just now read your article; was about to write to you!!!!! I wish I could write like that. Well done. Any critical responses from the wider burmese community???

Prof. Kanbawza Win said _

This week issue is good especially Ko Thet's article.

Swan Aye Maung said _

Ko Ko Thett, what a wonderful article and timely reminder to all democracy activists not to succumb to despair and surrender your principles.  I hope all Burmese activists outside Burma will closely study your article and redouble their efforts to get back democracy for our country without compromising their integrity.  I'm looking forward to read more of your thoughtful articles.

Mr. Tu said _

Thank you very much for your article.

B. B. Htut said _

Good job and well done KKT.A very true positive approach to all exiles.I truly appericate your brilliant effort.Thank you KKT.

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