11.02.2007
SPDC of Myanmar; When the Government Is Not of the People
_ by May Ng
Because of chest pains, General Than Shwe began his new year inauspiciously in a foreign hospital. Then, he was given a new lease on life by China, Russia and South Africa with their votes at the UN Security Council, and he flew home, as good as new, again.
His political opponents however, in the past three years alone, have lost their giant leaders like, Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, General Bo Mya, poet U Tin Moe and many other exceptionally brave men and women. Their main leader Aung San Suu Kyi is still under house arrest and many of her supporters, the great men like journalist U Win Tin, are still locked up. The junta’s bitterest hatred is specially aimed at ethnic politicians like, Hkun Htun Oo of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, whom they handed down 93 years of prison term.
At the same time, armed opposition to the government is waning and is in disarray. The ethnic tribes in the rebel areas are cleansed out, leaving trails of internally displaced people hiding in jungles or in foreign nations.
The big brothers of Naypyidaw are physically and psychologically attacking the political opponents whom they lured out of general population with promises of election and national convention.
The Asian Human Rights Commission recently asserted that the primacy cause of lawlessness in Burma today is the violent crime committed by police, soldiers, local government officials and officials of mass-movement bodies, and paramilitary units (USDA).
The SPDC have their boots down and automatic weapons trained on citizens, and are ready to shoot anyone they deluded themselves into believing as foreign stooges.
The biggest question after 18 years is what are they still afraid off? And why do they so lack legitimacy that they are unable to obtain the smallest trust of the people? What makes them the government, “not of the people”?
China also had a popular uprising in 1989 and the country is still ruled by the same authoritarian communist regime. But China is rising and taking over the world while Burma and its citizens are withering and dying under the weight of its own military.
There are clear reasons behind the need for a huge military in Burma, to protect the privileges of a handful of men in army uniforms with make-believe baubles on their lapels.
The military regime of Burma worries about their legitimacy and their future. Otherwise there would not have been attempts to put up shows like national convention. Their constant obsession to control the slightest twitch of their political opponents correctly gauges their anxiety.
No past governments, including the British, dared harass Burmese citizens in monastery compounds. Now there is daily or weekly news of harassment of the innocents by soldiers in sacred pagoda grounds, to control the activities of their political opponents. The monks themselves become victims of political persecutions, in the highest form of religious desecration in Burma.
The military regime is especially plagued by two important problems.
For one, the army has been trying to rule the people by force, who have plainly rejected them at the 1990 election.
For another, unlike China, they could not guarantee their own legitimacy with the economic progress in Burma.
Burmese junta pitifully fails in these two critical areas that could help mitigate their lack of political legitimacy. Their rule without legitimacy, in the eyes of the people, has cost Burma a staggering economic and political price.
Burma army’s violent attacks on its own citizens, not only erode Myanmar’s legitimacy further, it is also eroding China’s political credibility, by being the biggest supporter of the brutal regime.
However hope remains in this bleak landscape of the invisible violence.
After struggling for 18 years, the political opposition is maturing and coming together in a different way that Burma has not experienced before. As the aging hierarchy passes, yesterday’s youth of ‘88 are fast becoming new leaders with dignity and honor.
Even though, a small armed opposition, called the Vigorous Student Warriors, has recently said that, “mad dogs could not be reasoned with,” the reasonable student leaders like Min Ko Naing offers the last and best option for the government and the opposition.
Their humility and their compassion after sacrificing their whole life, has earned the young leaders, trust and friendship of their people. This is a new generation that did not find its way to the top by force. Their difficult lives have taught them to be generous, patient, and forgiving. Most importantly they share the common hardship of their fellow ethnic tribes, in far away borders. Their experience with the international audience has also prepared them to be tolerant toward the diverse population of Burma.
She has given up the best part of her life for the democracy cause and Aung San Suu Kyi is still ready to do her best. The tragic death of her husband which left her a widow without a husband, and being confined in Burma for over 18 years also means that, she will soon be qualified, even under the most preposterous restrictions by the junta, to be the head of Burma and its armed forces.
The possibilities and opportunities are all there. Only if all sides will listen, because, the Burmese people are finally talking, in their open letters to the government.
War & Roses
On the road were scattered roses with red stain
In which battle were you wounded that, the crimson blood dripped?
Tin Moe, 1963
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