BURMA DIGEST

                      A Campaign Journal for Human Rights of All Ethnic Nationalities in Burma 

         20.05.2007

Editorial: U Nu and Parliamentary Democracy

_ By Taisamyone

U Nu wanted to be a great creative force of Burmese literature, but he also realized that the independence of his country was more important.  His time in the 1930s with Aung San and U Thant was a formative period for the founders of Burma’s independence, and it was fitting that U Nu should take the place as Burma’s first prime minister after the terrible events of July 1947.  U Nu worked tirelessly to bring about a peaceful political dialogue between parties, but perhaps was not forceful enough in controlling the army, or successful enough in bringing about the Federal Union that was dreamt of at Panglong.

U Nu’s government made many successful moves while retaining a staunch non-aligned stance of refusing western aid: defeating the Trotskyite and Stalinist communist insurrections as well as other armed forces to maintain a unified country (unlike Vietnam which was partitioned in 1954, although the CPB and the civil war was to rumble on for years to come); launching an ambitious program of industrialisation, land reform, and ‘benevolent’ social welfare; and inspiring a remarkable revival of Buddhism.  U Nu studied Marxism, but as a devout Buddhist sought to develop policies that held to Marxist principles with Buddhist values (he called the communists ignoramuses who had deviated from true Marxism). 

U Nu was a man who wished to be the Bernard Shaw of Burma continuing to write during his premiership.  During the 1930s he translated the popular ‘How to win friends and influence people’ into Burmese – it became a prescribed school text in the 1950s.  He was also a man whose devotion to expanding Buddhism in Burma brought about several new religious buildings (including the Kaba Aye pagoda and the Maha Pasana Guha) and arrangements for the sixth Buddhist Synod, which he hosted in 1954-1956.  In his later life he spent a great deal of time lecturing around the world on Buddhism.  As well as his practical work he entered Bramachariya in 1950 (rare for lay Buddhists), he spent 2 hours each day in meditation, and his practice infused his laws and political life, and his literary output.

The period of parliamentary democracy was one in which the constitution was hotly debated and calls made for reform that would bring about the Federal Union.  U Nu engaged in dialogue with the disparate groups; the communists refused to talk and took up the gun, the Karen freedom fight began early in this period and other ethnic groups turned to armed resistance as the dialogue delivered little change, the federal movement made headway with the proposals for the constitutional conference in 1962. 

The factor that seemed to overtake U Nu was the growing strength of the Burma Army.  Some observers say that the 1958 caretaker government restored order and brought an end to chaos in politics – others that Ne Win and the officers talked of a coup to prevent a political solution to the spilt between socialists and the communists in arms gave Ne Win the opportunity to take power.  The plans of those army officers plotting against the government should have been dealt with as treason – instead, Ne Win rewarded the men. Again, in 1962, Ne Win saw that a political solution with the ethnic political groups would diminish the power of the Army and hence his own power; so he took power by force to prevent any true dialogue taking place that would have led to a peaceful solution to Burma’s constitutional debate. 

Generally speaking, the parliamentary democracy of U Nu’s time was a success, taking the country onto a path of democracy out of the colonial past and the ruins of World War II, one which was a struggle for all involved, but which earned the respect of the world at large.  The government didn’t get it right all the time; political squabbles that should have been settled by dialogue, the federal structure of the Union, the on-going armed resistance, corruption and inefficiency in government departments, attempts to make Buddhism the state religion back-fired.

The period of the parliamentary democracy proved that Burma has the capabilities and the skills to make a parliamentary democracy work.  The new civilian democratically elected government of Burma will have the enormous and delicate task of bringing the Army under the control of the government to ensure that those plotting military coups are treated as traitors and that the military only operates for the defence of the country against external aggression, not its own version of how the country should be run. The 45 years of military rule have demonstrated that military rule doesn’t work – it brings suffering and decay, corruption and power-grabbing dictators.  Times haven’t changed a great deal since 1962, as the military regime still suppress any attempt at true political dialogue to resolve the same constitutional issues that have remained unresolved since 1948, and the suffering of the people still goes on. 


For further information

¨ U Nu

¨ The House on Stilts

 

Read this author's other articles.

Comments:

Terry Evans said _

Aung San Suu Kyi and ex-Brigadier Aung Gyi rejected U Nu's offer to form an interim government in September 1988. This was a big mistake as U Nu was never going to occupy the political stage for long. Unity is strength!

KO KO OO said _

Actually, U Nu played a politic game and fake handover of his power to the heartless Ne Win. He thought Ne Win was my guy, my pupil. Finally, Ne Win took a chance of U Nu Mistake and got the power. Therefore, U Ne is solely responsible for leading bad fortune to the Burmese.

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